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shall  contain  the  symbol  -♦^  (meaning  "CON- 
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L'exemplaira  film*  fut  reproduit  grlce  A  la 
gAnarositA  da: 

Canadiana  department 
North  York  Central    Library 

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conformit*  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
fllmaga. 

Lea  exemplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprlm«e  sont  fiimis  en  commencant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
derni*re  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
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piat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film«s  en  commenpant  par  la 
pramlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  tarminant  par 
la  darniire  paga  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboies  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -i»-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  '   le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  «tre 
fiimis  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff«rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  fttra 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich*.  ii  est  film*  «  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  i  droite. 
et  de  haut  an  baa.  an  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaira.  Las  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m4thode. 


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iHHasi^nss' 


1862  FOUNDERS*  DAY  1917 

THE  UNION  LEAGUE  OF  PHILADELF'"A 


DEDICATION 


OF  THE 


MEMORIAL  ROOM 


Orator 


HONORABLE  WILLIAM  RENWICK  RIDDELL 

Jurtke  of  the  Suprem?  Court  of  Oitario.  Toronto.  Canada 


PHILADELPHIA 

November  24 

19t7 


roi. \ni-.H.^'  :>AV  ''•'/ 


Dl-:DlCATiON 


MEMC^RiAi    IKjOM 


•NORABLI-,  NMLLiAM  H.ENWiCK   RiDDW.L 


r:il.L\UF.iFHl.\ 

No»-iT.Ur  ."■! 

N|7 


1862  FOUNDERS*  DAY  1917 

THE  UNION  LEAGUE  OF  PHILADELPHIA 


DEDICATION 


OF  THE 


MEMORIAL  ROOM 


Orator 


HONORABLE  WILLIAM  RENWICK  RIDDELL 

Jiutice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ontuio.  Toronto,  Canada 


PHIUDELPHIA 

November  24 

1917 


1862  FOUNDERS*  DAY  1917 

UNION  LEAGUE 

Philadelphia,  November  24,  IQH- 

Mr.  GmBBEL.— Gm</«n«i  of  The  Union  LMfK/.— Fifty 
and  five  year,  ago  a  te,.  faithful  m      ha.ing  the  form 
and  seeking  to  demonstrate  the  p<      r  of  patnoutm, 
founded  The  Union  Lrague  of  Philadelphia.     It  was 
bom  in  a  gieat  crisis.    The  n.^n  who  formed  it  loved  the 
Liberty  and  Unic    J  the  Un   *a  States  more  than  they 
loved  life.    In  the  oarkest  hour  of  the  War  of  the  Rebel- 
lion they  put  themselves  and  all  they  had,  and  all  they 
hoped  to  be  into  the  support  of  the  nation.     There  was 
not  a  trace  of  self-seeking  in  all  their  labors  so  long  sus- 
tained.   They  never  faltered  and  the>  never  counted  the 
cost  of  their  fidelity.     Ten  regiments  were  raised  and 
equipped  and  sent  to  the  support  of  Abraham  Lmcoln  m 
his  defense  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Flag.    [Applause  1 
Day  and  night  these  our  frefathers,  with  an  eye  smgle 
to    the    ;:ountry's    preservation,    spent    themselves    m 

sacrifice. 

Tonight  we  gather  to  again  celebrate  the  courage,  the 
ability,  and  the  complete  success  of  these  our  ancestors. 
We  glory  in  their  history  and  rejoice  in  our  patnotic 
descent  from  them.  With  devout  thanksgiving  we  lay 
our  Laurel  and  our  Rosemary  upon  this  altar  raised  to 
their  memory,  and  pray  that  in  this  our  day  of  trial 
we  may  be  found  worthy  ol  our  descent.  May  the  Ood 
of  our  Fathers  inspire  us  with  the  courage  and  aaive 

3 


\ 


devotion  of  The  Union  League  of  1862.  [Applause.] 
May  our  children  be  inspired  in  coming  years  by  the 
history  of  The  Union  League  of  1917  [applause],  and  so 
the  object  of  our  fathers  be  established  and  their  works 
follow  them. 

Fifty  and  five  years  have  brought  to  this  organization 
numbers  and  possessions  not  dreamed  of  by  the  Found- 
ers. The  country  they  helped  to  save  has  grown  to  great 
wealth  and  power.  Its  borders  have  spread  beyond  the 
western  seas.  With  Jacob  it  may  say,  "With  my  staff 
I  crossed  this  Jordan  and  now  I  have  become  two  bands." 
Our  national  isolation  of  1861  has  disappeared,  never  to 
be  seen  again.  We  have  seen  the  troops  of  the  United 
States  marching  through  the  streets  of  London  and  Paris. 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  have  floated  over  Parliament 
House  in  Westminster  and  have  been  carried  at  the 
Shrine  of  Napoleon.  Pershing  has  bent  at  the  tomb  of 
Lafayette  and  said  a  thing  that  will  become  historic 
[applause],  and  down  through  the  ages  will  ring  his  cry, 
"Lafayette,  the  Americans  have  come." 

This  very  night,  as  we  sit  here,  our  country's  defenders 
— your  defenders,  and  my  defenders — are  fighting  in  the 
trenches  in  France  and  sailing  British  waters,  defending 
British  and  other  ships  from  the  devils  of  the  deep. 
[Applause.] 

What  does  this  all  mean.'  Simply  this,  that  in  the 
bloody  struggle  of  1861-1865,  during  which  this  Union 
League  was  born,  government  of  the  people,  by  the  peo- 
ple, for  the  people  was  saved  in  these  United  States,  in 
their  isolation,  from  a  domestic  autocracy.  Now,  in  our 
intimate  world-wide  relations  of  19 17,  we  must  preserve 
our  charter  of  freedom  from  destruction  by  a  foreign 

4 


autocracy.  [Applause.]  Since  Sumter  was  fired  upon 
nothing  has  been  heard  more  ominous  of  danger  to  these 
United  States  than  the  Kaiser's  warning.  I  will  stand  no 
nonsense  from  the  United  States." 

My  friends,  we  celebrate  this  fifty-fifth  anniversary  m 
another  struggle  for  the  very  thing  for  which  our  fathers 
fought.    Our  responsibility  is  that  we  defend  our  inher- 
itance    If  we  fail  their  sacrifices  were  in  vain.    Upon  us 
has  fallen  a  greater  task  than  fell  to  them,  and  I  say  it 
advisedly,  we  shall  succeed  solely  by  the  same  willing 
sacrifice  of  men  and  treasure.    The  world  is  now  paying 
a  penalty  for  our  lack  of  preparedness.     But  we  have 
begun.     We  have  raised  billions  for  defense,  and  these 
United  States  will  never  spend  one  cent  in  tribute.    There 
are  dark  days  ahead  of  us.    Again  the  call  is  for  men  and 
our  best  again  are  going,  and,  thank  God,  again  nses  fronr.^ 
their   ranks,   "For   three   years   or    during   the   war. 
[Applause.]    We  who  cannot  go  will  sustam  them  by  a 
our  powers  and  all  our  possessions.    Our  patriotism  will 
not  end  by  hanging  our  flags  from  the  third-story  win- 
dows of  our  houses.    Every  soldier  and  every  sailor  going 
abroad  must  know  he  has  all  the  possessions  of  the 
United  States  and  the  heart  of  every  American,  man  and 
woman,  in  the  United  States  supporting  him.    [Applause.] 
To  this  full  measure  of  devotion  this  Union  League  of 
1917  pledges  itself  with  all  that  it  has  and  with  all  that  it 
can  get,  appealing  to  the  patriots'  God  for  success. 

I  said  there  are  dark  days  ahead  of  us,  but  that  does 
not  mean  that  while  we  face  the  problem,  we  minimize  our 
strength,  nor  do  we  minimize  our  determination,  but  with 
one  heart,  with  one  voice  and  with  one  object,  and  that 
not  a  selfish  one,  the  United  States  faces  the  greatest  test 

5 


to  which  they  have  ever  been  put,  and  again,  The  Union 
League  pledges  itself  to  support  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.    [Applause.] 

Gentlemen,  for  generations  this  country  of  ours  has 
been  separated  on  its  northern  border  from  another 
country  by  four  thousand  miles  of  boundary  line,  upon 
which  there  has  not  been  a  fort,  a  cannon,  or  an  armed 
force.  In  comfort  we  have  looked  across  at  each  other  and 
said,  "Behold  how  good  and  how  pleasant  it  is  for  brethren 
to  dwell  together  in  unity."  These  two  countries  have 
shown  the  world,  in  such  measure  as  has  not  been  demon- 
strated anywhere  else  in  the  world,  the  peace  that  lies 
in  democracy.  Today,  Canada  and  these  United  States 
are  fighting  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy  and 
in  that  still  greater  task  that  lies  beyond  us,  beyond  the 
war  in  which  we  are  engaged,  Canada  wi'l  be  found  side 
by  side  with  the  United  States  fighting  that  greater  battle 
in  making  democracy  safe  for  the  world. 

It  is  our  great  privilege  to  have  with  us  tonight  as  our 
guest  of  honor,  a  distinguished  Canadian  who  knows  us 
and  understands  us;  one  who  has  addressed  more  people 
on  this  side  of  the  line  than  any  other  Canadian  living. 
Yale  University  called  him  last  year  to  deliver  the  Dodge 
Foundation  lectures  on  "Responsibilities  of  Citizenship." 
In  our  Liberty  Loan  campaign  which  we  have  just 
finished  so  gloriously,  in  the  northern  part  of  New  York 
State  when  they  thought  they  needed  a  little  extra  gin- 
ger, they  called  our  guest  of  honor  from  Canada  to  come 
to  the  United  States  to  speak  in  the  Liberty  Loan  cam- 
paign, and  those  of  you  who  know  him  were  not  sur- 
prised when  you  found  the  loan  was  over-subscribed.  In 
addition  to  this,  gentlemen,  he  has  been  my  valued  friend 

6 


for  many  years  and  I  am  the  better  man  for  having 

known  him. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  introduce  to  you,  to 
address  you  on  "The  American  and  Democracy,  the 
Honorable  William  Renwick  Riddell.  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Ontario. 

Hon.  William  Renwick  Riddell.  Mr.  President  and 
Gentlemen  of  The  Union  League:-!  never  consider  myself 
a  foreigner  or  an  alien  in  the  United  States  of  America 
[applause],  and  I  never  less  considered  myself  an  alien 
or  a  foreigner  than  I  do  at  the  present  moment  when  I 
am  received  by  The  Union  League  of  Philadelphia.  Afret 
the  kind  words,  sir,  which  you  have  used  concerning 
me  tonight  and,  especially  when  I  see  before  me  and  over 
my  head,  my  own  flag,  I  am  at  home,  and  I  call  you 
my  own,  bone  of  my  bone,  and  flesh  of  my  flesh-1 

am  one  of  you. 

I  am  peculiariy  proud  in  being  asked  to  address  you 
upon  this  occasion,  the  important  anniversary  of  the 
year,  not  with  a  personal,  but  with  a  national  pride; 
because  this  honor  is  in  no  small  degree  a  courteous 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  my  country  is  to  be  taken 
into  consideration  in  the  United  States,  and,  therefore. 

in  the  world. 

But  a  few  years  ago.  as  years  are  counted  in  the  hie 
of  a  people.  Canada  was,  in  the  minds  of  many  if  not  of 
most  Americans,  not  much  more  than  a  geographical 
expression,  connoting  a  narrow  fringe  of  .nore  or  less 
civilized  settlements  on  the  Arctic  side  of  the  "American 
Lakes"  with  a  vast  expanse  of  barren  territory  behmd, 
given  up  to  wild  animals  and  scarcel-  less  wild  men. 

7 


eking  out  a  scanty  and  precarious  livelihood  by  hunting 
and  trapping,  procuring  northern  furs  for  the  benefit  of 
the  inhabitants  of  a  more  benign  and  luxurious  clime. 

Now,  Canada,  with  her  ships  on  every  sea,  her  com- 
merce in  every  mart,  with  modest  pride  ranks  herself 
beside  the  older  and  stronger  and  greater  nation  to  the 
south,  and  demands  recognition  as  a  sister — and  she  has 
that  claim  allowed.  The  celebrated  Greek,  cordially  and 
candidly  admitted  that,  had  he  been  born  in  a  small 
island  instead  of  in  Athens,  he  never  would  have  achieved 
greatness,  so,  I,  having  no  claim  to  eminence  except  the 
fact  that  I  am  a  Canadian,  am  quite  sure  that  I  should 
not  have  been  called  upon  to  address  a  club  of  this  impor- 
tance and  assist  in  this  event,  were  it  not  that  my  country 
is  now  consiu-ired  worth  while.  And,  there  is  another,  a 
warmer  and  a  dearer  thought,  one  which  fills  me  with 
greater  satisfaction  and  delight,  and  that  is  that  not  only 
the  invitation  itself,  but  the  manner  of  the  invitation  and 
the  subject  upon  which  I  am  arked  to  address  you,  clearly 
show  that  in  your  eyes,  although — or  should  I  say  because? 
— Canada  is  one  of  the  free,  self-governing  nations  consti- 
tuting the  far-flung  British  Empire,  bound  with  the  silver 
cord  of  loyalty  to  the  Great  Mother  across  the  sea,  you 
have  the  heartfelt  conviction  that  in  everything  that  is 
worth  while,  worth  taking  into  consideration  in  the  present 
tremendous  crisis  of  the  world's  history,  the  United 
States  and  Canada  are  on  .     [Applause.] 

"Fellow-citizens,"  I  may  not  call  you  with  legal  and 
technical  accuracy — as  I  heard  an  American  the  other 
day  address  an  audience  in  Toronto — bcv  se,  by  the 
rules  of  internati.''-  al  law,  you  and  I  are  foreigners  and 
aliens  to  each  otiier;   but  by  a  right  which  as  far  tran- 

8 


■ 


scends  the  rules  of  international  law  as  the  heavens  are 
above  the  earth,  by  the  eternal  law,  by  the  elemental  anu 
essential  law  of  human  nature,  by  that  law  which  God 
Almighty  has  placed  in  the  bosoms  of  every  one  of  us,  I 
claim  you  as  brothers.  [Applause.]  You  are,  I  have 
said,  bone  of  my  bone,  fiesh  of  my  Hesh,  for  in  as  true  a 
sense  as  though  they  were  natural  persons  bom  of  the 
same  father  and  mother,  these  peoples,  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  call  each  other  sister,  with  mutual  love, 
with  mutual  confidence,  aye,  and  with  mutual  pride  and 
admiration.    [Applause.] 

And  the  fact  that  the  American  early  devoted  him»-if 
to  the  cause  of  democracy  and  has  consistently  sustain..d 
i  ,  has  had  .10  little  to  do  with  the  consummation  which  hss 
^o  long  been  devoutly  wished  and  hoped  for  and  now  at 
last  has  come  to  pass.    I  am  not  one  of  those  who  believe, 
or  pretend  to  believe,  that  democracy  was  born  on  the 
Fourth  of  July,  1776,  and  that  her  Sirthplace  was  upon 
this  continent;  I  do  not  believe,  nor  do  you  believe,  that 
Freedom  was  unknown  and  non-existent  before  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence.     Philosophical  students  of  the 
history  of  law  and  political  institutions  are  fond  of  drawing 
the  distinction  between  the  Roman  and  the  Germanic  con- 
ception of  the  relation  of  the  ind-zidual  to  the  state: 
they  point  out  that  in  the  Roman  .'leory,  the  individual 
has  no  rights  which  the  state  is  bound  to  respect,  that 
laws  for  the  protection  of  the  individual  are  mere  volun- 
tary  concessians  by  the  state,  concessions,  which,  at  its 
discretion,  i.  may  withdraw;  while,  according  to  the  early 
Germanic  conception,  the  rights  of  the  individual  are  not 
based  upon  some  voluntary,  modifiable  and  revocable 
law  of  the  state,  but  that  personal  rights  are  bom  with 

9 


him,  they  follow  him  everywhere,  and  decrees  derogatory 
therefrom  are  null  ."^nd  void. 

How  far  the  modem  German  has  gone  frum  his  ances- 
tral principle,  we  need  not  now  pause  to  consider,  nor 
shall  we  here  trace  the  natural  if  not  inevitable  sesult 
of  the  two  theories  in  the  conception  of  international 
relationships. 

What  is  democracy?  Democracy  is  not  a  form  of 
government.  Republics  in  form  may  be  autocracies  in 
fact  or  oligarchies  in  fact.  The  republics,  so-called,  of 
ancient  Greece;  the  republics,  so-called,  of  medieval 
Italy;  the  republics,  so-called  (many  of  them),  of  Cen- 
tral and  South  Am*"ica  during  our  own  times  could  not 
36  fustly  dignified  by  the  name  of  republics  as  we  under- 
stand the  word;  and  the  Roman  reo  publica  was  far  from 
being  a  republic.  What,  I  ask,  was  the  form  of  govern- 
ment when  Napoleon  was  First  Consul  of  the  Republic  of 
France  ? 

Nor  because  the  /orm  of  government  is  monarchical 
or  even  autocratic,  is  it  necessarily  undemocratic.  Eng- 
land has  yet  a  king;  George  the  Fi.'th  has  the  same  titles 
which  his  predecessor,  Henry  the  Eighth,  and  his  prede- 
cessor, John,  had  centuries  ago.  The  army  is  his  and 
the  navy,  and  all  transactions  are  in  his  name,  but  our 
King,  thank  God,  unlike  some  of  his  predecessors,  con- 
tents himself  with  reigning,  and  leaves  the  ruling  to  his 
people  to  whom  it  rightly  belongs.  [Applause.]  You  all 
know,  of  course,  the  well-known  distinction  between  the 
English  king  and  the  American  president:  The  English 
king  reigns  but  does  not  rule  and  the  American  president 
rules  but  does  not  reign. 
Democracy  is  a  manner  of  thought,  a  bent  of  the  mind 

10 


and  «,ul.  it  is  the  spirit  which  giveth  Uf^-not  the  form, 
the  husk,  the  external,  the  letter  which  kiUeth. 

What,  then,  is  the  history  of  our  race?    Those  splendid 
savages,  or  half  savage*,  who  lived  near  Jutland,  the  only 
tribes  in  Central  Europe  which  refused  to  bow  the  knee 
to  Imperial  Rome,  the  ancestors  i     blood  of  many,  m 
democ-acv  of,  I  hope,  all  of  us,  the  Angle,  the  Saxon  and 
Jute,  ruled  ead.  man  his  own  family.    Their  chiefs  -vere 
not  chosen  by  God,  r'aey  were  chosen  by  the  people;  the 
final  authority  rested  with  the  people  not  with  an  irrespon- 
sible overlord,  and  the  chief  vho  did  not  satisfy  the  people 
was  unfrocked  as  quickly  as-nay  much  more  quickly 
than-an  American  mayor.    They  were  not  trouoleu  by 
constitutional  limitations  or  hampered  by  charters  wmch 
confined  the  election  to  certain  particular  days  a-.d  cer- 
tain  particular  mon  hs  in  certain  particular  years-  the 
polls  were  always  or  ^n  in  those  days.    They  had  a  true, 
although  an  undeveloped  and  embryonic  democracy. 

Through  al'    he  welter  of  Saxon  ;m(J  Norman  tinres. 
the  spirit  of  <  cmocracy  never  died;   even  the  iron  Con- 
queror himself  never  conquered  the  independent  Enghsh- 
man      Through  the  times  of  the  Plantagenet,  the  Lan- 
castrian, the  Yorkist  and  the  Tudor,  down  to  the  time 
of  the  Stuarts,  every  now  and  then  democracy  mani- 
fested itself  in  some  form  or  other.     From  John,  the 
astute,  wily  and  able  king-(those  make  a  great  mistake 
who  think  King  John  was  a  fool:  he  was  not  a  fool,  but 
an  exceedingly  able  king)-his  subjects  extorted  a  char- 
ter  the  Great  Charter  which  contains,  ;.s  m  solution,  the 
principles   of  democracy,    awaiting   but   the   shock   to 
become  crystallized.     The  first  Charles   lost  his  head 
because  he  did  not  understand  that  the  people  were 


I 


determined  to  rule;  his  son  lost  his  throne  because  he 
listened  to  the  conventional  flatteries  of  courtiers  and 
believed  these  to  be  the  voice  of  his  people. 

The  Bill  of  Rights  in  1689  laid  down  principles  of 
democracy  in  a  more  systematic  form;  and  democracy 
waj  well  advanced  before  George  Washington  was  bom. 
Freedom  of  speech;  freedom  of  the  press;  freedom  of 
assembly  and  petition;  no  taxation  without  representa- 
tion; no  gift  or  benevolence  to  the  king  unless  made  by 
a  free  Parliament  freely  elected  by  a  free  people  and 
debating  freely:  these  principles  the  Fathers  of  the 
American  Revolution  brought  with  them,  either  in  per- 
son or  by  their  ancestors,  to  this  continent.  It  needed 
but  a  series  of  sensible  and  sympathetic  monarchs,  or 
even  one  such  monarch,  to  have  democracy  fully  devel- 
oped in  England  before  the  American  Revolution. 
Unfortunately,  near  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
a  pig-headed,  half-crazed,  ill-trained,  ill-balanced  German, 
educated  by  a  fool  of  a  German  woman,  whose  voice  he 
never  forgot,  "George,  be  a  king,  George,  be  a  king," 
in  the  providence  of  God  and  by  t'le  accident  of  birth 
and  religion,  came  to  the  throne  of  vhe  United  Kingdom 
and  believed  he  had  been  sent  of  God  to  govern  not  only 
the  islands  but  also  this  great  continent.  The  Colonists 
of  the  Thirteen  Colonies  did  not  desire  1  leave  the 
British  Empire — none  more  loyal  than  they — but  they 
did  desire  and  were  determined  to  govern  themselves; 
and  when  it  came  to  the  point  where  they  had  to  choose 
between  governing  themselves  and  continuing  part  of 
the  British  Empire,  they  did  not  hesitate  long.  Self- 
government  was  theirs  and  they  determined — even  though 
it  meant  leaving  the  British  Empire — they  determined 


to  govern  themselves.  The  Coloniiti  were  advancing  no 
new  doctrine:  they  were  but  applying  to  their  own  case 
the  principles  which  they  had  brought  with  them  across 
the  ocean.  But  it  is  their  immortal  and  never-fadmg 
glory  that  they  cast  into  the  scale  their  fortune  and  their 
lives;  and  that  after  a  weary  and  perilous  struggle,  they 
emblazoned,  sun  clear,  as  in  the  skies,  the  principles  of 
democracy,  never  again  to  be  dimmed  by  King  or  Kaiser, 
by  Philistine  or  obscurant. 

You  will  not  ask  a  Canadian,  I  dare  say,  to  believe 
or  to  sav  that  the  Fathers  of  the  American  Revolution 
were  any  more  patriotic,  any  more  able,  any  cleaner,  any 
more  honest  than  those  who  opposed  them.     A  large 
proportion   of  the   American   Colonists,   not   far  from 
half,  and  perhaps  more  than  a  half,  thought  that  while 
the  king  and  his  govemn     '  were  unwise,  even  wicked, 
yet  that  in  the  progress  of  time,  proper  government 
would  be  granted  to  them;  and  they  opposed  the  Fathers 
of  the  American  Revolution.    These  United  Empire  Loy- 
alists, as  we  proudly  call  them,  these  Tories  as  they  are 
called  with  contempt  in  your  school  histories,  have  suf- 
fered the  same  fate  as  their  predecessors  in  the  previous 
century— it  is  the  old  story  of  the  Roundhead  and  the 
Cavalier  over  again.     One  class  of  men  so  attached  to 
Liberty  that  they  will  cast  off  all  bonds,  break  away 
from  all  old  fashions,  and  separate  themselves  from  the 
heritage  passed  down  to  them  by  their  forefati    rs,  in 
order  that  they  may  be  free.     Others,  desiring  freedom 
with  a  true  desire,  may  shun  the  name  of  traitor,  and 
may  desire  to  hold  fast  the  old  bonds  and  the  beloved  con- 
nections they  have  inherited.     These  United  Empire 
Loyalists  have,  in  the  United  States,  suffered  the  same 

13 


fate  in  name  and  fame  as  the  Cavalien  in  the  Revo- 
lution against  Charles  the  First  suffered  or  would  have 
suffered  had  there  been  no  Restoration.  In  Canada, 
their  name  and  fame  is  that  of  the  Cavaliers  after  the 
Restoration  and  during  the  times  of  Charles  the  Second. 
Those  men  in  1783,  when  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  was  admitted,  made  their  way  into  the  northern 
wilderness,  and  made  their  home  in  that  Canada  from 
which  I  come  and  of  which  I  am  so  proud— that  Canada 
which  is  now  even  more  than  she  has  been  for  fifty  years, 
your  sister  country,  the  old  feuds  forgotten.  Of  these 
men  who  sacrificed  everything  they  had  from  devotion 
to  the  Empire  and  Flag,  who  refus'^d  to  barter  their  fealty 
for  their  confiscated  lands,  our  Canadian  poet  sings— they 

"Got  them  out  into  the  Wilderness, 
The  stem  old  Wilderness; 
But  then— 'twas  British  Wilderness!" 

"     .     .     .     .     they  who  loved 
The  cause  that  had  been  lost— and  kept  their  faith 
To  England's  Crown  and  scorned  an  alien  name, 
u'-Passed  into  exile;  leaving  all  behind 
Except  their  honor.     .     .    . 
Not  drooping  like  poor  fugitives  they  came 
In  exodus  to  our  Canadian  wilds. 
But  full  of  heart  and  hope,  with  head  erect 
And  fearless  eye,  victorious  in  defeat. 
With  thousand  toils  they  forced  their  devious  way 
Through  the  great  wilderness  of  silent  woods 
That  gloomed  o'er  lake  and  stream,  till  higher  rose 
The  Northern  Star  above  the  broad  domain 
Of  half  a  continent,  still  theirs  to  hold. 
Defend  and  keep  forever  as  their  own, 
Their  own  and  England's  till  the  end  of  time."!.^^ 

But  those  men,  noble  and  truly  patriotic  men  as  they 
were,  were  like  Falkland,  and  his  fellows  who,  honest 
themselves,  trusted  m  the  autocratic  and  therefore 
untrustworthy  Charles,  and  followed  their  king  to  the 

u 


detriment  of  their  freedom.  So  these  United  Empire 
Loyaliit.  with  all  their  proud  record  may  be  thought  to 
have  faile^l  to  attain  to  our  conception  of  democracy  m 
that  they  kept  their  faith  to  the  detriment  of  their  own 
political  freedom.* 

•  TheUit  and  moit  «igr«nt  iniult  to  thm  heroic  men  ^•'''^^ 
f«,  tl-  «r«Lnt  vear  when  they  were  compared  to  the  prowlmg  brood 
5  tSrto.^Anfo"hrif"  iledfnow  the  cur.,  of  thi.  R.PubUc  J  can- 
no,  blt^«expri.i  the  Canadian',  feeling  of  indignation  at  thw  com- 
;:;i^n"h.n'bTr«<Iing  a  letter  to  a  New  York  newpaper  from  a 
Canadian. 
"To  tht  Editor  of  Tk*  Niw  York  Timts:  . 

A  «<5  many  American  joumalUtt  are  at  preawit  companng  the 
«Tiri«  of T/Revltion'  with  the  padfiau  ""f  P"^™'"* J»J 

today      Again.t  thi.  1  beg  to  record  my  «™P»'««'«  P^l^^red^y 
.Sed  n-orie.  of  the  Resolution.'  remembered  and  honor^  by 

e*nS  come.  They  compriaed  at  the  breaking  out  of  armed  ho.- 
tiS.  a  le«t  one-half  of  the  entire  populatK>n  of  the  tl""**"  "  " 
oni^  but  being  unorganized  were  at  a  great  diwdvantage.  A.  it 
wa.  they  St  and  bled  and  died  or  offered  the  .polling  of  their 
r^d.  and  WuUy  went  into  exile  for  their  pn"«pl«-  A.  >  r«« 
Keir  devotion  to  a  loat  cau.e  (or  a  cau.e  that  .eemed  to  be  lo.t) 
we  have  thrSnion  of  Canada  today,  with  a  P0P«>«"°"  ""Jy' f 
Tot  fuUy.  three  time.  a.  great  a.  that  of  the  original  "jolting  «l- 

"r-lrrVucr'a.'-'''  •     ^-— Tiirand^TeSt^^^ 

rkrc^^c^^the'4.  ■<>  -<»  Pr«n  "'J*-'  r St" 
•Tori«'  Their  patriotiam.  ..ch  put  the  whole  above  the  part, 
«•,. Tthink  all  fair-minded  American,  will  admit,  ju.t  a.  glonou.  and 
TuVt^.  wotJhy  of  e.pect  a.  that  of  their  opponent..  In  ju.t.ce  to  the 
Tmory  oftLe  heroic,  high-minded  (if  from  your  .  .  .tandpomt 
muTaken)  men.  I  mu.t  enter  a  vigorou.  prote.t  agw.s-  «X™Vr"f 
Them  with  the  aforementioned  gentry.  Th?  Lop''"«  °[„^r,"2^! 
w«e  men  who  fought  and  lo.t  and  won.  and  there  i.  no  better  Amen- 
TanatTaTn  Today  than  their  deacendant.  in  Canada.  Their  monument 
Tthc  great  ^iTon  of  Canada,  and  you  American,  have  ,u.t  a. 
much  rea.on  to  be  proud  of  them  a.  we  Canadian..    ^   ^   ^^^^ 

•'WoLFViLLE.  N.  S..  Nov.  8. 1917-" 

IS 


It  it  idle  to  ipeak  of  the  American  Revolution  being 
produced  or  being  caused  by  a  tax  here,  an  impost  there,  a 
stamp  here,  tea  xent  there:  these  were  the  meie  occasions, 
but  th*  cause  was  that  the  American  knew  that  he  .ould 
govern  himself  and  he  was  determined  that  he  should 
govern  himself.  It  is  equally  idle  to  speak  of  it  having 
been  a  rising  against  Britain  at  large.  The  better  part  of 
England  sympathized  with  the  American  colonists — and 
when  I  say  the  better  part  of  England,  I  mean  precisely 
what  I  say,  not  perhaps  the  larger  number  of  Englishmen, 
but  a  large  number  of  the  greatest  minded  and  best 
Englishmen  sympathized  with  the  American  colonies. 
All  of  Scotland,  practically,  sympathized  with  the  Amer- 
ican Colonies  in  their  struggles;  and  when  they  had  suc- 
ceeded there  was  no  country  more  rejoiced  than  tiie  better 
part  of  England  and  the  greater  part  of  Scotland. 
[Applause.]  I  know  how  hard  it  is  for  some  Americans 
to  understand  that  England  has  always  taken  a  pride  in 
this  great  nation,  this  great  United  States.  I  know  some 
of  you  find  this  hard  to  believe,  because  I  have  seen  the 
books  you  read  at  school,  one  of  the  teachings  of  which 
was  that  England  is  the  sworn  enemy  of  the  United  States. 
That  is  a  lie,  it  never  was  true;  and  if  it  ever  h^J  a  sem- 
blance of  truth,  even  that  semblance  of  truth  has  gone 
years  and  years  ago.  England  has  always  been  proud 
of  the  United  States;  but  what  signifies  vastly  more  than 
that  may  not  be  so  manifest.  Democracy  in  England  was 
drooping,  was  almost  smothered  by  Royal  power,  but  on 
the  triumph  of  America  it  was  heartened  and,  ever  since 
that  time,  the  democracy  of  England  has  looked  to  the 
democracy  of  the  United  States  as  an  inspiration.  The 
great  example  of  the  United  States  has  had  a  tremendous 

I6 


influence  in  England,  which  it  now  at  democratic  at  any 
nation  on  the  face  of  God't  earth.  While  there  never  wat 
any  republican  lentiment  in  Canada  that  wat  not  negli- 
gible and  there  it  not  today,  the  United  Empire  Loyaliitt, 
while  they  intitted  upon  remaining  a  part  of  the  Britith 
Empire  and  upon  living  under  the  old  flag  under  which 
they  were  bom,  remembered  alto  that  they  came  from 
freedom-loving  landi  where  they  had  had  telf-government, 
and  which  were  determ-ned  to  continue  to  have  telf- 
government;  and  they  never  quie  tubmitted  to  any 
tyranny  on  the  part  of  England  thereafter.  In  every 
country  there  are  obttructionit^s;  in  every  country  there 
are  reactionariet,  and  when  in  Canada  a  ttruggle  arote 
between  the  reactionaries  and  democracy,  we  alwayt 
looked  down  acrott  the  international  boundary  to  the 
example  of  the  United  Statei,  and  the  United  Statet  hat, 
for  generationt,  been  an  inipiration  and  an  example  for 
the  people  of  my  country;  we  too  in  Canadi>  are  at  demo- 
cratic at  it  it  postible  for  any  people  to  be. 

It  may  be  that  Canada  would  have  been  at  democratic 
at  the  it  today  had  there  never  been  an  American  Revo- 
lution, but  that  democracy  almotr  certainly  would  have 
been  extorted  by  force,  and  it  would  have  been  bom  amidtt 
the  roar  of  the  cannon  and  the  flath  of  the  bayonet  and 
not  in  the  quiet  of  the  Council  Chamber.  That  Canada 
and  the  rett  of  the  British  Empire  today  are  free,  is  due 
largely  to  the  example  of  American  democracy  in  1776. 
I  have  often  said  that  the  embattled  farmers  who  stood 
and  fired  the  shot  heard  round  the  world,  their  lines  uneven 
but  unyielding,  owing  little  to  the  drill  sergeant  but  much 
to  the  strong  and  gallant  heart,  fought  not  only  for  them- 
selves and  the  rett  of  thote  of  the  Thirteen  Coloniet,  and 

17 


the  great  States  that  were  to  proceed  from  the  Thirteen 
Colonies,  not  only  for  their  descendants  for  generation 
after  generation  in  these  United  States,  but  they  stood 
there  for  Canada  too,  for  Australia  and  New  Zealand, 
and  South  Africa,  aye,  for  England  herself  and  all  that 
makes  the  British  Empire  worth  while.  One  Bunker  Hill 
was  enough:  the  bitter  but  salutary  losson  was  learned. 
One  Revolution  was  enough;  the  lesson  was  learned,  and 
hard  as  it  was  for  a  proud  strong  nation  like  Britain,  she 
learned  that  her  children  would  not  submit  to  be  gov- 
erned by  her,  as  they  knew  they  were  fitted  to  govern 
themselves — and  so  colonial  self  government  was  bom. 

"We  must  be  free,  or  die,  who  speak  the  tongue 
That  Shakespeare  spake,  the  faith  and  morals  hold 
Wh^ch  Milton  held." 

The  democracy  today  is  the  offspring,  almost  directly, 
of  the  democracy  of  the  Fathers  of  the  American 
Revolution. 

Years  went  by  and  years  went  by  for  a  half  century 
and  more  after  the  foundation  of  this  great  Republic 
wherein  freedom  was  proudly  asserted  and  men  were 
supposed  to  be  free — but  freedom  was  denied  to  twenty 
per  cent  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  States.  The  negro 
had  no  rights  which  the  white  man  was  bound  to  con- 
sider or  respect.  Now,  very  often,  those  who  are  engaged 
in  a  war  do  not  really  know  the  whole  substance  of  the 
war,  do  not  fully  comprehend  what  it  is  about.  When 
Miltiades  led  that  splendid  charge  down  on  the  plains  of 
Marathon  and  drove  the  Persians  headlong  into  the  marsh, 
the  Greeks  were  fighting  not  simply  for  the  freedom  of 
Greece  or  of  Athens,  but  for  all  Greek  philosophy  without 
which  religion  would  not  be  what  it  is,  or  science  or 

i8 


learning— they  were  fighting  for  Greek  art,  whether  in 
gold  or  ivory  or  marble  or  winged  word,  without  which 
this  life  would  not  be  much  worth  living— they  were 
fighting  against  the  autocrat  and  his  system.    A  thousand 
years  afterward,  on  the  plains  of  Chalonssur-Mame,  the 
Romans  met  the  hordes  of  the  Huns,  under  Attila,  whom, 
under  the  name  of  Etzel,  the  Kaiser  recommended  as  a 
model  to  his  soldiers  when  about  to  depart  for  China 
(and  I  must  say,  they  rather  improved  on  the  model— 
Genseric,  King  of  the  Vandals,  the  Kaiser  seems  to  have 
adopted  as  his  own  model,  for  Genseric  was  a  hypocrite 
and  a  Uar,  as  well  as  a  brute),  these  Roman  soldiers  did 
not  know  for  what  they  were  fighting.     They  supposed 
they  were  fighting  in  order  that  the  Hun  should  not  have 
Gaul,  but  they  were  in  reality  fighting  to  determine 
whether  Europe,  and,  therefore,  the  world,  should  be 
Christian  or  pagan,  civilized  or  savage. 

When  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  a  great  many  people 
did  not  know  what  its  real  meaning  was — ^you  will  remem- 
ber your  great  President,  after  whom  this  Hall  has  been 
named,  to  whom  it  is  dedicated,  and  to  whose  memory  it 
shall  always  be  a  fitting  monument  for  generation  after 
generation,  was  long  willing  that  the  erring  sisters  might 
come  back  into  the  Union;  if  they  had  done  so,  they  would 
have  been  allowed  to  come  back  to  the  Union  and  retain 
their  domestic  institution  at  least  for  a  time.  Even  to 
this  day,  many  of  my  friends  in  the  South  contend  and 
protest  more  vigorously  and  with  transparent  honesty 
that  the  Civil  War  (your  late  Governor  said  there  was 
no  Civil  War  but  a  Rebellion,  but  to  avoid  controversy 
I  call  it  the  Civil  War)  was  not  concerning  slavery  at 
all.     It  was  a  question  of  state  rights,  I  have  been  told  at 

19 


i 


least  a  dozen  times,  by  my  friends  in  the  South;  but 
everybody  knows,  as  was  known  before  the  war  came  to 
an  end,  that  that  war  was  about  slavery,  and  that  that 
war  was  waged  that  there  should  be  real  democracy  in 
these  United  States,  that  a  man's  blood  or  his  color  should 
not  make  him  the  slave  or  the  servant  of  another.  It 
was,  I  think,  in  most  cases,  the  recognition  of  that  fact 
rather  than  the  spirit  of  adventure  or  the  desire  of  gain 
which  induced  fifty  thousand  young  Canadians  to  offer 
their  services  in  the  Northern  Armies.  In  that  bitter 
conflict,  when  the  hand  of  the  soldier  on  either  side  was 
red  with  the  blood  of  a  brother,  the  sympathy  of  Canada 
was  almost  wholly  with  the  North;  and  in  the  Mother 
Country,  the  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire  operatives,  suf- 
fering hunger  and  in  many  cases  starvation,  refused  to 
allow  their  representatives  in  Parliament  to  protest 
against  the  blockade. 

True,  there  was  a  class  opposed  to  the  North,  but  those 
who  complain  of  the  conduct  of  Britain  during  the  Civil 
War,  will  do  well  to  see  how  it  was  considered  in  the 
South ! 

The  way  of  the  transgressor  is  hard,  but  so  is  and  more 
abundantly  that  of  the  neutral — if  anyone  doubts  it,  let 
him  ask  President  Wilson ! 

And,  in  that  great  war  for  freedom,  for  civilization,  for 
democracy,  stood  at  the  very  front,  that  great  man  whom 
you  commemorate  today  and  to  whom  you  dedicate  this 
hall,  Abraham  Lincoln  [applause] — Abraham  Lincoln, 
sir,  was  the  beau  ideal  of  democracy.  He  was  the  first 
true,  fully  democratic  President — democratic,  indeed,  with 
a  small  d,  not  a  large  one.  [Laughter.]  The  distinction 
may  be  nice,  but  it  is  substantial.     The  first  President, 


George  Washington,  was  an  English  gentleman,  an  aristo- 
crat, a  man  who  really  loved  the  common  people  bat  m 
the  same  way  the  squire  in  England  loves  the  common 
people  on  his  estates;  but  he  knew  and  they  knew  that 
they  were  not  his  people  in  the  sense  of  being  regarded 
as  equals.     The  Adamses,  both  of  them,  were  autocrats 
with  but  the  faintest  tinge  of  democracy  in  their  make-up. 
Jefferson  was  a  theoretical  democrat:    his  democracy, 
sir,  was  of  the  type  of  the  French  Revolution.     He  was 
steeped  to  the  lips  in  French  philosophy  and  French 
democracy,  a  democracy  whic».  ^.  that  time,  whatever  it 
may  be  during  the  last  few  years,  sir,  had  a  fatal  defect, 
had  a  fly  in  the  ointment.    No  man  can  be  a  good  demo- 
crat, unless  he  believes  that  all  men  are  by  blood  the 
children  of  God,  and  he  cannot  believe  that  unless  he 
believes  that  there  is  a  God  and  that  that  God  takes  an 
interest  in  His  children.     [Applause.]    We  may  pass  over 
Madison,  Monroe,  Pierce,  and   persons  of  that  class. 
General  Jackson  was  a  Democrat  with  a  large  D,  it  may 
be  the  father  of  Democracy  with  a  large  D.    His  concep- 
tion of  democracy  was  that  "to  the  victors  belong  the 
spoils:"  his  conception  of  true  democracy  was,  "If  I  can 
thrash  you,  I  am  going  to  do  it,"  a  democracy  of  the  kind 
that  is  very  rampant  in  some  countries  today.    There  is 
no  other  President  who  is  worth  mentioning  in  the  same 
category,  in  any  way  near  the  same  category  as  your  great 
President  Lincoln.     Lincoln  did  not  know  the  people  in 
the  same  way  as  George  Washington  knew  them,  looking 
from  above,  down  below.     He  did  not  know  them  in  the 
same  way  as  Jefferson   knew  them,  indivrtuals,  units 
coming  upon  this  worid  by  chance  and  having  no  certain 
future  beyond  this  world.     He  did  not  know  them  as 


31 


Jackson  knew  them,  divided  into  two  classes,  one  r' which 
ought  to  have  everything  and  the  other  ought  to  have 
nothing.  He  wa  born  amongst  them,  he  was  one  of 
them,  and  there  uever  was  a  finer  saying  or  one  which 
better  indicates  the  humanity  of  his  heart  than  his  saying, 
"God  mnst  love  the  common  people;  He  has  made  so 
many  of  them."  One  of  the  common  people  himself,  he 
loved  them  as  his  own :  he  loved  them  because  he  was  one 
of  them  and  knew  them;  and  he  loved  them  because  he 
knew  that  the  future  of  the  world  depends,  not  upon  King 
or  Kaiser  or  philosopher  or  man  of  high  station,  but  upon 
the  common  man.  I  say  to  you,  that  Lincoln,  whom  you 
celebrate  today,  is  the  greatest  democrat  the  world  has 
ever  seen,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  world.     [Applause.] 

The  United  States  by  its  heroic  sacrifice  of  men  and 
money,  pouring  out  its  blood  and  gold  like  water  in  that 
magnificent  struggle  well  earned  the  position  of  leader  in 
the  world's  democracy. 

Then  came  these  later  days — in  the  summer  of  1914, 
the  peace  of  the  world  was  broken  by  the  clash  of  arms. 
Britain  and  the  other  democratic  nations  tried  hard  to 
keep  the  peace,  but  certain  of  the  autocratic  nations  felt 
that  the  time  nad  come  when  they  could  have  what  they 
wanted;  and  war  was  declared.  Even  then,  Britain, 
divided  from  Europe  by  the  Channel,  might  have  remained 
out  of  the  war;  but  she  had  pledged  her  word,  and  when 
another  nation  which  had  also  pledged  its  word  made 
that  tiger  spring  across  the  boundary  of  Belgium  and 
flew  at  the  innocent,  ravaged,  killed  and  destroyed,  the 
great  and  generous  heart  of  Britain,  hating  war,  loving 
peace  leaped  within  her  bosom;  she  declared  war,  and 
Canada,  her  fairest,  most  beautiful  daughter,  hesitated 


33 


not  one  moment,  but  sent  the  message  across  the  sea 
to  the  great  Mother,  "Our  last  dollar  and  our    last 
man."     [Appbuse.]     Canada  has  given  nearly  450,000 
volunteers  to  the  cause,  a  number  corresponding  to  over 
6,000,000  in  the  United  States;  there  are  30,000  young 
Canadian  boys  whose  tombs  we  know  in  France  and 
Flanders,  and  5,000  more,  buried,  «ve  know  not  where, 
whether  blown  to  pieces  or  buried  in  the  t    nches— 
35,000  men  of  our  best  and  bravest  and  noblest  are 
dead.     I  come  from  a  city  of  450,000  inhabitants,  and 
she  has  sent  60,000  men  under  arms;  she  mourns  more 
than  3,000  dead.     My  University  of  Toronto  has  nearly 
S,ooo  graduates  and  undergraduates  fighting  for  civiliza- 
tion;  300  have  made  the  last  sacrifice.     We  refuse  to 
repent;  we  have  done  right. 

Gentlemen,  when  we  were  fighting,  we  looked  across 
the  international  boundary  for  leadership  and  sympathy; 
hv^  we  received  none  officially.  We  fought  on  and  on ;  our 
boys  have  shown  what  Canadian  lads  could  do  and  we  are 
proud  of  them,  yes,  and,  you  are  proud  of  them,  for  they 
are  looked  upon  as  your  very  own;  they  are  to  you  almost 
American  boys,  born  though  they  were,  north  of  the 
international  line. 

Those  of  us  who  knew  the  American  people,  as  I 
thought  I  did,  were  puzzled.  It  almost  seemed  that  they 
had  for  the  time  being  abdicated  their  well-won  leader- 
ship. We  heard  a  great  deal  in  official  circles  of  peace 
without  victory,  of  neutrality  even  in  thought  and  of 
struggles  in  which  the  United  States  had  no  interest. 
We  heard  nothing  officially  of  democracy,  of  truth  and 
honor  of  fidelity  to  the  pledged  word,  of  C.  -istianity,  or 
humanity.    But,  we  saw  the  carpet  inside  out.    We  did 

S3 


not  see  the  pattern  which  the  ingenious  workman  behind 
the  screen  was  with  marvelous  skill  weaving  out,  thread 
by  thread  and  shuttle  by  shuttle  until  at  last,  sir,  in 
April  of  this  year,  it  flashed  upon  us  like  a  vision,  the 
splendid  work  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  that 
you  should  go  into  the  war,  not  a  divided  nation,  but  a 
nation  unanimous,  united  in  soul  in  a  passionate  and 
insistent  demand  for  justice  and  right — a  demand  by  the 
whole  nation  and  not  by  a  section  of  it  only.  Before,  we 
saw  the  carpet  inside  out;  we  see  the  right  side  now; 
and,  thank  God  for  that  great  pattern  which,  in  the 
Providence  of  God,  your  President  has  worked  out,  in 
view  of  the  whole  world — the  American  nation,  one  and 
undivided  in  an  insistent  demand  for  justice  and 
righteousness. 

Now,  as  I  suggested  before,  the  occasion  and  the  cause 
of  wars  are  two  different  things  entirely.  Aristotle  said 
with  keen  insight — than  whom  no  greater  philosopher 
lived,  a  writer  to  be  read  and  read  and  read  again — he 
said  that  "Occasions  of  war  may  be  small  and  manifest, 
the  causes  of  war  are  great  and  obscure."  The  occasion 
for  Britain  going  to  war  was  the  brutal  invasion  of  Bel- 
gium: the  occasion  for  the  United  States  going  to  war 
was  the  brutal  invasion  of  neutral  rights  on  the  sea  and 
the  breaking  of  a  promise  on  the  part  of  the  Germans. 
America  had  no  call  to  go  into  this  war  so  far  as  her 
financial  position  was  concerned;  she  had  no  treaty  to 
keep,  no  pledge  to  implement,  no  trade  to  seek,  there 
was  no  territory  which  she  desired.  She  hated  war; 
she  desired  to  keep  out  of  war  and  tried  hard  to  be  neutral 
in  act  and  word,  if  not  in  thought  ("neutrality  in 
thought"  I  never  understood,  unles-  '«■  menns  negation 

»4 


of  all  thought,  which  is  the  easiest  of  all  virtues,  and  the 
most  universally  practised).     She  tried  hard  to  be  neu- 
tral,  and  after  the  horrors  of  Belgium  on  land  were 
paralleled  on  the  sea,  when  the  Lusitania  was  sunk  and 
the  corpses  of  American  men  and  women,  women,  and, 
God  help  us,  American  babies  dotted  the  ocean,  even 
then,  America  said,  "I  will  hold  my  hand:   I  shall  not 
go  to  war  unless  absolutely  necessary,"  and  hoped  against 
hope.     She  received  another  promise,  a  promise  made  to 
be  broken.    As  the  nations  of  Europe  knew  in  their  hearts 
that  the  swashbuckling  ruflSan  would  some  time  or  other 
break  out  in  war  upon  beautiful  Europe,  but  hoped  against 
hope,  because  the  wish  was  father  to  the  thought,  that 
war  might  be  kept  off  for  some  years— so,  the  United 
Stftes   knew  in  its  heart  that  the  promise  made  by 
Germany  would  be  broken  whenever  it  seemed  conve- 
nient to  Germany.    And  it  was  broken;  and  then  at  last 
the  flame  of  indignation  broke  out  and  this  great  people 
found  themselves  at  war  for  justice  and  right,  for  inter- 
national law  and  international  decency. 

But,  had  Belgium  never  been  invaded,  had  the  U-boat 
never  been  invented  or  if  invented  never  used  as  a  weapon 
of  wholesale  murder,  a  war  of  this  kind  must  necessarily 
take  place.  This,  my  friends,  is  a  phase,  the  most  ter- 
rible phase— I  pray  to  God  it  may  be  the  last  phase — of 
that  eternal  struggle  which  began  before  Lucifer  fell  from 
Heaven,  and  will  continue  till  the  day  when  He  maketh 
up  His  jewels.  A  war  Letween  right  and  wrong,  a  war 
between  our  God  and  the  German  Woden;  a  war  between 
our  Christ  and  the  bloodthirsty  gods  of  the  German 
nation;  the  struggle  of  Bethlehem  and  Galilee  and 
Calvary  with  Potsdam  and  Berlin  and  Vienna. 

25 


?¥S»iH|fc>*y.fc:>^^\ 


There  are  only  two  systems  of  government,  either 
government  by  the  people  or  government  over  the  peo- 
ple; and  it  makes  no  difference  whether  that  government 
over  the  people  is  by  an  individual  or  a  caste  or  a  class, 
so  long  as  the  power  is  not  given  by  the  people  but  is 
exercised  in  their  despite.  In  autocracy,  the  autocrat, 
filled  with  the  sense  of  his  own  greatness,  believes  he  is 
sent  of  God  to  govern  over  the  nation;  and  his  people, 
if  they  take  him  at  his  word,  necessarily  believe  that  they 
are  favored  above  all  the  other  peoples  on  the  earth.  They 
do  not  believe,  with  the  Apostle,  that  God  hath  made  of 
one  blood  all  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face 
of  the  earth.  They  believe  their  nation  is  separate  and 
distinct.  In  medieval  times  it  used  to  be  said,  "Keep 
no  faith  with  infidels;"  during  the  times  of  slavery  it 
often  happened  that  slave  dealers  and  owners  would 
keep  no  faith  with  the  slave,  and  too  often  it  was  not 
thought  dishonorable  to  break  faith  with  the  Indians; 
yet  these  promise-breakers  would  keep  their  word  pledged 
to  an  equal.  My  friends,  as  was  said  by  your  great  Presi- 
dent with  that  keen  vision  which  can  come  only  from  a 
profound,  accurate  and  philosophical  study  of  history — 
an  autocrat  cannot  be  trusted  to  keep  faith.  An  autocrat 
is  of  necessity  a  liar  ex  officio. 

A  free  government,  government  by  the  people,  is  a 
different  kind  of  government  entirely, — it  is  a  government 
of  equality,  a  government  of  righteousness. 

As  has  been  said  so  often  there  are  only  two  rules  of 
international  conduct  worth  considering.  One  is  "Might 
makes  right:  Might  is  right;  I  can,  therefore  I  ought  and 
will."  That  is  the  rule  of  the  autocrat.  The  other  is, 
"  Right  is  right;  and  because  right  is  right  to  follow  right 

36 


were  wiidom  in  the  scorn  of  consequence."  This  is  the 
rule  which  has  kept  our  two  nations  in  harmony,  in  peace 
for  over  a  hundred  years. 

Democratic  nations  are  willing  to  do  the  right:  they 
believe  that  other  nations  have  rights  which  they  are 
bound  to  respect.    The  autocrat  necessarily  believes  that 
he  is  sent  by  God  and  that  any  opposition  to  him  must  be 
blasphc  '.y :  and  as  might  is  best  shown  in  war.  the  theory 
naturally  arises  that  war  is  good  in  itself.     If  we  have  a 
nation  or  a  number  of  nations  who  hold  the  theory  that 
might  is  right,  the  time  must  come  when  these  nations 
shall  put  that  theory  into  force.     It  may  be,  for  years, 
generations,  centuries,  in  preparation;  and  the  time  may 
not  come  speedily;   but  the  time  will  come  when  these 
nations  will  believe  they  are  in  a  position  to  impose  their 
will  upon  the  other  nations,  and  unless  the  other  nations 
lie  down,  war  is  sure  to  come. 

"Surely  we  come  of  the  blood,  .lower  to  blew  than  to  ban, 
And  little  used  to  lie  down  at  the  bidding  of  any  man. 

If  you  have  an  autocratic  nation  like  Germany,  a 
democratic  nation  which  will  not  lie  down,  like  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  war  is  necessary  and  unavoidable. 
If  there  never  had  been  a  Belgium,  a  Lusitania  or  a 
U-boat,  this  war  at  some  time  must  needs  have  come. 
The  battlefield,  the  battle  line,  at  some  time  must  needs 
be  set ;  and  thank  God  it  is  set  with  the  democratic  nations 
standing  shoulder  to  shoulder.    Now  will  be  drowned  out 
that  feeling  of  jealousy,  even  hatred,  which  has  arisen 
between  these  great  English-speaking  nations  through  the 
unwise  actions  of  those  on  each  "«ie  of  the  Atlantic  and 
each  side  of  the  international  boundary-now  we  shall 
have  together  and  united  these  great  Hags  of  the  red  the 

"7 


'WTf^^^^^mM^^^M^.  i^ 


white  and  the  blue,  the  same  colon,  but  differently 
arranged,  floating  side  by  side  as  they  are  in  the  trenches 
of  France  and  Flanders,  floating  together  not  only  on  the 
fields  of  battle,  but  on  the  fields  of  peace,  not  only  this 
year  and  next  year,  but  the  next  century,  the  next 
millennium,  and,  please  God,  until  time  shall  be  no  more. 
For,  my  friends, 

Iv.  precious  blood  its  red  ii  dyed. 

Its  white  is  honor's  sign. 
In  weal  or  ruth  its  blue  is  truth. 

Its  might  the  power  divine. 

and,  please  God,  those  flags  shall  never  again  fly  in  oppos- 
ing camps,  but  will  float  as  they  do  today  side  by  side 
in  the  greatest  of  all  causes. 

Now,  it  would  be  amusing  if  it  were  not  so  terrible, 
to  contemplate  the  trial  balloons  which  are  sent  out  by 
the  German  looking  towards  peace;  he  thinks  to  "bless 
himself  in  his  heart,  saying— surely  I  shall  have  peace 
though  I  walk  in  the  imagination  of  mine  heart."  There 
is  no  peace  that  the  Allies  can  accept,  r.  n  dare  to  accept, 
except  the  peace  wh-ch  kisses  righteousness,  for  "the 
work  of  righteousness  shall  be  peace,  and  the  effect  of 
righteousness,  quietness  and  assurance  forever."  We 
must,  notwithstanding  these  trial  balloons  and  the  vain 
hope  of  peace,  fight  on  and  on  and  on  until  there  is  a 
military  victory,  until  the  brute  is  tamed.  The  brute 
must  be  brutally  beaten;  that  is  the  only  logic  he  under- 
stands. [Applause]  The  world  must  be  made  safe  for 
democracy;  and  it  can  be  safe  for  democracy  only  when 
the  autocrat  finds  that  democracy  is  too  strong  for  him 
and  war  does  not  pay.  We  are  fighting,  you  and  I, 
your  people  and  mine — I  will  say  no  more  "your  people 

28 


and  mine,"  but  your  and  my  people,  our  people,  became 

they  are  the  same  people-our  people  muit  fight  on  and 

on  and  on  until  victory  is  obtained;  and  in  domg  that  we 

are  not  fighting,  sir,  against  the  Germans,  we  are  fighting 

not  only  for  Britain,  Canada,  the  United  States,  but  for 

Germany  and  the  Germans.    We  hope  that  they  are  not 

sinning  against  the  light,  but  that  they  are  mistaken  and 

misled,  and  we  hope  that  they  may  soon  come  to  see  the 

light.     If  they  are  sinning  against  the  light,  then  we 

hope  they  may  experience  a  change  of  heart  and  repent 

in  sackcloth  and  ashes,  and  become  a  new  people.    Then, 

when  they  have  determined  to  become  a  new  people, 

the  infinite  capacity  for  taking  pains,  the  marvelous 

industry,  the  diligence,  tne  discipline,  the  patriotism, 

and  the  national  feeling  of  the  German,  will  necessarily 

make  Germany  again  great,  but  great  in  another  sense; 

a  great  nation  loved  and  respected,  and  not  loathed  and 

dreaded  by  the  rest  of  the  world,  not  hated  and  feared  as 

she  is  today.    The  great  tragedy,  my  friends,  in  this  war, 

is  not  the  death  of  so  many  people-they  would  have  died 

anyway  at  some  tim      the  tragedy  of  this  war  is  not  so 

much  the  destruction  of  material  wealth-that  would 

have  gone,  that  is  something  a  man  cannot  take  with  him 

when  he  goes  the  long  journey-but  the  tragedy  of  this 

war  is  the  self-disclosure  of  Germany,  Germany  showing 

her  true  heart  to  the  world;  when  that  heart  is  cnanged, 

and  a  new  and  better  because  democratic  Germany  is 

come,  the  worid  will  be  changed,  and  then  will  be  seen 

upon  this  earth  what  the  poet  saw  in  Heaven. 

"  I  dreamt  that  overhead 
I  saw  in  twilight  grey 
The  Army  of  the  Dead 
Marching  upon  its  way, 
29 


If/..  .M^t^::^'S^^:X^fMt^-^iX%: 


So  still  and  pauionleu, 
With  facet  so  tercne. 
That  scarcely  could  one  gucM 
Such  men  in  war  had  been. 

"No  mark  of  hurt  they  bore, 
Nor  smoke,  nor  bloody  tain; 
Nor  suffered  any  more 
Famin\  fatifue  or  pain; 
Nor  any  lust  of  hate 
Now  lingered  '.r\  trieireyi — 
Who  have  fulfilled  their  fate, 
Have  lost  all  enmities. 

"A  new  and  greater  pride 
So  quenched  the  pride  of  race 
That  foes  marched  side  by  side 
Who  once  fought  face  to  face. 
That  ghostly  army's  plan 
Knows  but  one  race,  one  rod — 
All  nations  there  are  Man, 
And  the  one  King  is  God. 

"No  longer  on  their  ears 
The  Bugle's  summons  falls; 
Beyond  these  tangles  spheres 
The  Archangel's  trumpet  calls; 
And  by  that  trumpet  led 
Far  up  the  exalted  sky. 
The  Army  of  the  Dead 
Goes  by,  and  still  goes  by. 

"Look  upward,  standing  mute; 
Salute!"* 


[Applause.] 


Hon.  Hampton  L.  Carson: — I  move  that  the  thanks 
of  The  Union  League  be  extended  to  Mr.  Justice  Riddell 
for  his  profound,  eloquent  and  inspiring  address. 

[Motion  unanimously  carried.] 

*  These  beautiful  lines  by  Barry  Pain  I  make  no  excuse  for  repeat- 
ing. I  have  recited  them  before  on  similar  occasions,  and  repeat 
them  at  the  request  of  one  in  whose  judgment  I  have  profound 
confidence.— W.  R.  R. 


Mr.  Gribbel:— Mr.  Justice  Riddell,  allow  me  to  thank 
you  in  the  name  of  The  Union  League. 

Mr.  Riddell:— Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  I 
brought  with  me  a  manuscript  here,  but  I  could  not 
read  it.  When  I  saw  that  Hag  (pointing  to  the  Canadian 
flag,  the  British  flag  with  the  Canadian  arms  in  the  fly) 
flying  opposite  your  own  flag  and  when  I  saw  your  kindly 
fac.8  looking,  up  in  mine,  I  could  not  read  it.  I  have 
spoken  to  you  from  my  l.eart.  God  bless  you;  God  bles» 
The  Union  League.     [Great  applause,  audience  rising.) 

Edwin  S.  Stuart:— I  have  been  asked  by  the  Art 
Association  of  The  Un^on  League  to  say  a  few  words  upon 
this,  the  fifty.fifth  anniversary  of  Founders'  Day.    This 
beautiful  room  in  which  we  are  assembled,  visible  to  us 
now  for  the  first  time,  has  been  created  by  The  Union 
League  as  a  perpetual  memorial  to  those  who  offered 
their  services  to  their  country  during  the  great  crisis  of 
1861-1865.    It  has  been  aptly  called  the  Hall  of  Fame. 
But  let  me  urge  you  never  to  regard  it  as  a  mausoleum. 
The  men  whose  names  look  down  upon  us  from  these 
walls,  still  speak  through  their  lives  and  their  deeds. 
There  is  another  title  that,  I  think,  might,  very  fittingly, 
be  applied  to  this  room.    It  might  well  be  called  "Temple 
of  Inspiration,"  because  in  it  we  have,  in  its  beauty  and 
purpose,  an  addition  to  this  building,  that  appeals  with 
striking  force  to   all  those   noble  principles  tha'.   The 
Union  League  represents.      Here,  in  enduring  bronze, 
are  the  names  of  every  member  of  The  Union  League 
living  or  dead,  whether  officer  or  private  soldier,  who 
offered  his  services  in  defense  of  his  country.     Every 
name    appears   before   you.      The   Union   League   has 

3» 


existed  for  fifty-five  years,  and  were  it  not  for  the  high, 
unselfish  and  patriotic  sentiments  and  ideals  that  give  it 
birth  and  still  inspire  it,  it  would  not  have  survived  to 
celebrate  this  anniversary.     Any  member  of  The  Union 
League  who  does  not  understand,  if  such  there  be,  that 
this  is  a  federation  of  men  formed  to  accomplish  exalted 
aims  and  purposes  does  not  know  what  was  back  of  it 
at  its  foundation  and  what  it  should  stand  for  today. 
This  room— call  it   "Hall  of  Fame,"  or   "Temple  of 
Inspiration"  or  by   any  other  appropriate   name — will 
remain  as  a  lasting  testimony  and  proof  to  our  succes- 
sors through  the  years  that  are  to  come  of  the  pure  and 
lofty  motives  of  the  founders.     At  the  present  time,  our 
country  is  facing  what  is  perhaps  the  gravest  crisis  in  the 
history  of  the  Republic.     We  should  be  fully  awake  to 
the  situation;  because  it  is  not  a  time  for  idle  talk,  reck- 
less or  hysterical  statements,  unjust  or  unfair  criticism; 
but  it  is  emphatically  a  time  for  every  man,  for  every 
American  citizen,  whether  he  be  such  by  birth  or  adop- 
tion, absolutely  and  unreservedly  to  support  the  Presi- 
dent of  this  nation  in  every  effort  made  to  maintain  the 
honor,   integrity   and   safety  of  the  United   States  of 
America.     [Applause.] 

After  the  President  delivered  his  address  to  Congress 
leading  to  the  declaration  of  war  against  Germany,  The 
Union  League  was  the  first  organization  to  respond  and 
offer  its  services,  and  what  it  did  in  the  past  for  President 
Lincoln,  it  will  do  for  President  Wilson.  [Applause.] 
Our  flag  is  now  carried  at  the  head  of  our  troops  some- 
where in  France;  let  us  remember  this  glorious  truth, 
and  let  us  impress  it  upon  the  mind  of  every  American, 
now  and  always;  that  flag  has  never  been  carried  in  an 

3f 


Lta. 


unjust  cause,  and  has  never  been  unfurled  except  for  the 
benefit  of  mankind,  therefore  it  has  never  gone  down  in 
defeat.     [Applause.] 

The  Art  Association  of  The  Union  League  felt  that  this 
room  would  not  be  perfert,  and  would  not  be  adequately 
adorned  for  presentation  to  the  League,  unless  it  were 
truly  a  memorial  room.     It  was  believed  that  it  would  be 
a  Temple   of  Inspiration   when   embellished   with   the 
names  of  the  men  you  see  here,  and  hallowed  by  the 
statue  of  the  man  whom  they  upheld  and  sustained,  and 
whose  ideals  brought  this  League  into  being.     And  as  I 
look  upon  this  statue  of  Lincoln,  there  comes  to  my  mind 
a  remembrance  of  that  great,  strong,  patriotic  spirit  who 
stood  at  his  right  hand,  invincible  through  his  confidence 
in  the  justness  of  his  cause,  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary 
of  War:  and  I  recall  the  words,  prophetic  in  the  light  that 
followed,  that  fell  from  his  lips,  as  he  stood  at  the  death- 
bed of  Lincoln  and  gazed  at  his  lifeless  body,  undaunted  in 
spirit,  but  bent  with  grief:    "Now  he  belongs  to  the 
Ages ! "    That  utterance  has  been  amply  verified,  for  now, 
fifty  and  two  years  after  Stanton  thus  gave  expression  to 
his  reverence  and  sorrow,  the  memory  of  Lincoln's  life 
and  deeds  remains  firmly  imbedded  in  the  affection  and 
respect  of  the  entire  worid.    All  over  the  earth,  wherever 
the  peoples  thereof  enjoy  liberty  or  are  fighting  to  win  it, 
Lincoln  is  venerated  as  are  the  prophets  of  old.     If  any 
of  the  younger  members  of  the  League  should  ever  be 
asked  what  inspired  its  foundation,  let  them  bring  the 
questioner  to  this  room,  and  facing  this  statue  and  the 
names  around  it  exclaim:    "This  is  what  inspired  it!" 
Around  and  about  this  statue  are  the  names  of  all  mem- 
bers of  The  Union  League  who  rallied  to  the  defense  of 

33 


r,-^^- 


their  country.  The  great  majority  have  gone  before  but 
there  are  many  survivors  and  they  have  the  supreme  satis- 
faction of  reading  their  names  upon  the  tablets.  There 
are  veterans  of  the  Rebellion,  members  of  The  Union 
League,  here  tonight,  who  saw,  and  talked  with  Lincoln, 
the  Great  Emancipator;  and  it  seems  peculiarly  appro- 
priate that,  on  this  occasion,  there  are  among  us,  two  men 
who  were  at  Lincoln's  side  at  the  Battle  of  Fort  Stevens, 
on  the  Seventh  Street  Road  near  the  City  of  Washingtr  ti. 
They  stood  with  him  on  the  parapet  of  the  fort  on  the 
only  occasion  when  a  President  of  the  United  States  was 
under  fire  in  actual  battle  while  in  office.  The  other 
officer  in  the  group  was  wounded  so  severely  that  he  car- 
ried its  serious  effects  to  his  grave,  though  he  survived 
many  years.*  The  two  members  of  the  League  who  were 
with  Lincoln  in  battle  are  Colonel  James  W.  Latta  and 
Major  William  A.  Wiedersheim. 

I  see  around  me,  as  I  have  said,  veterans  of  the  War 
of  the  Rebellion  whose  active  work  is  done.  I  see  also 
many  young  men— strong,  active,  full  of  fire  and  courage 
—in  the  uniforms  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States  who  are  going  to  fight  to  preserve  the  very  same 
principles  for  which  these  veterans  fought  and  for  which 
Lincoln  died— Liberty  and  Democracy.  These  young 
men  are  to  take  up  and  carry  on  the  work  of  their  pre- 
decessors, and  care  must  be  taken  that  the  names  of  every 
member  of  the  League  who  fights  to  perpetuate  the 
achievements  of  the  heroes  of  1861-1865  shall  be  added 
to  those  we  now  see  here.  Whenever  I  look  upon  a  pic- 
ture of  Abraham  Lincoln,  I  think:  There  is  a  man  who 


*C.  C.  V.  Crawford,  Assistant  Surgeon,  lozd  Pennsylvania  Volun- 
teers. 

34 


had  no  hate  in  his  entire  nature.     No  act  of  his  was  ever 
di«ated  by  hate;  his  nature  was  love.     Hate  never  won 
any  cause.     In  this  war  it  has  driven  our  enemies  to  the 
commission  of  unutterable  atrocities,  the  murder  and 
outrage  of  innocent  women  and  children;    rt  has  msti- 
gated  them  to  break  treaties  and  agreements  and  violate 
the  laws  of  nations-but  it  has  never  won  a  cause.     And 
T  want  to  say  tonight,  that  just  as  surely  as  I  am  standmg 
e,  hate  won't  win  the  fight  upon  which  we  have 

And  now,  in  the  name  of.  and  on  behalf  of,  the  Art 
Association  I  present  to  The  Union  League  th.s  statue 
of  Abraham  Lincoln.     This  room  would  be  mcomplete 
without  it.     And  as  the  years  pass,  and  younger  men 
take  our  places-the  places  of  you  and  of  me-let  them 
see  to  it,  that  when  this  war  is  over,  there  be  placed  here 
the  names  of  the  members  of  The  Union  League  who  made 
sacrifices  and  fought  over  seas  for  the  cause  that  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  fought  for-the  freedom  of  humanity.     For 
that     ause  Abraham  Lincoln   died;    and   for  it   every 
American  today,  whether  on  the  battlefront  or  in  his  own 
country,  will  be  willing  to  sacrifice  everything  in  order  to 
win  the  fight   and  secur.  the  triumph   of  democracy. 
[Applause.]     For,  as  the  I'esident  has  said:     This  war 
means  grim  business."     It  is  not  a  holiday  affair;  not  a 
re  parade  with  flags  fly  ng  and  bands  playing.     It  is 
'real  war  upon  an  unprecedented  scale.     America  expects 
every  man  to  make  a  sacrifice.    There  is  a  call  to  un.versa 
service   in  this   stupendous   effort  to   establish   for   all 
futurity  the  principles  upon  which  the  American  Republic 
was  founded.     This  will  be  the  final  struggle  to  settle 
permanently  the  rights  of  our  own  people  and  of  the 

3S 


peoples  of  the  world — the  weak  sis  well  as  the  strong— to 
enjoy  unmolested  the  freedom  of  conscience,  aspiration 
and  aaion  that  God  intended  should  be  the  natural  and 
inalienable  prerogatives  of  mankind.  And  after  the  vic- 
tory is  won  the  man  who  did  not  contribute  his  share  to 
the  triumph  of  so  holy  a  cause  will  be  unhappy  indeed. 

Mr.  Gribbel: — ^The  statue  will  be  unveiled  by  the 
patriotic  saint  of  The  Union  League,  Mr.  George  P. 
Morgan.    [Applause.] 

Mr.  G.  p.  Morgan: — Mr.  President,  and  gentlemen, 
it  is  pleasant  to  be  here,  but  I  am  here  in  the  place  of  one 
of  our  members,  dear  to  every  member  of  The  Union 
League,  who  has  been  sorely  stricken,  and  to  whom  our 
hearts  go  out  in  sincere  sympathy.  General  Benson 
gave  much  time  and  much  thought  to  the  preparation  of 
these  memorials,  both  as  a  member  of  the  Board  of 
Directors  and  as  chairman  of  the  Committee,  arranged 
and  prepared  the  list  of  names  entitled  to  be  placed  on 
this  roll  of  honor.  This  motto  of  this  great  organiza- 
tion is  identical  to  that  of  the  great  modem  President, 
"Love  of  Country  Leads."  How  many  memories  I 
recall  as  we  read  the  names  on  these  tablets.  This 
statue  and  these  inscriptions  make  this  holy  ground; 
make  this  an  epoch  night  in  -he  history  of  The  Union 
League. 

We  are  assembled  this  evening  to  unveil  a  statue  in 
lasting  bronze,  of  the  greatest  American,  whose  one  aim 
was  to  preserve  the  Union,  and  we  have  surrounded  it 
with  these  tablets  recording  the  names  of  our  members, 
dead  and  living,  who  tendered  their  lives,  if  need  be,  for 
their  country  in  that  great  conflict  which  was  to  decide 

36 


whether  this  wuntry  was  to  remain  as  a  Union  of  States 
or  to  be  destroyed. 

It  is  fitting  that  The  Union  League  should  do  this. 
Its  walls  have  been  engrossed  with  this  motto.     This 
monument  of  Abraham  Lincoln  is  of  the  patriot  who  by 
the  grace  of  God  lived  to  see  victory  for  the  cause  and 
then  fell  at  the  hands  of  a  cowardly  assassin  withm  forty 
days   after  the   second   inaugural.      These  words  will 
remain  forever  enshrined   in  the  hearts  of  every  true 
American.    The  success  for  which  he  strove  has  made  it 
possible  for  the  United  States  to  take  part  today  m  thi. 
war  for  humanity  against  barbarism  and  has  placed  them 
clearly  in  the  front  rank  of  the  on-marching  columns. 

Mr.  Gribbel:— Governor  Stuart,  for  and  on  behalf 
of  The  Union  League,  with   profound  appreciation,  I 
accept  this  statue.     Through  the  continuing  generosity 
and  sound  judgment  of  the  Art  Association  this  house 
has  been  enriched  with  a  notablt  line  of  art  treasures. 
In  the  gift  of  this  statue  you  have  touched  the  heart- 
strings of  The  Union  League  and  have  made  our  patri- 
otism articulate  by  this  superb  portrait  of  him  whose 
service  was  the  inspiration  of  our  birth.      Here  this 
statue  shall  stand  for  the  generations  to  come  as  the  sign 
and  symbol  of  our  mission  and  our  enduring  ideal.     For 
it  we,  and  those  who  shall  come  after  us,  will  hold  for  the 
Art  Association  an  endearing  gratitude. 

Members  of  The  Union  League,  we  gather  to  set  apart 
this  room  as  sacred  to  the  memory  of  those  of  our  mem- 
bers, who  in  the  dark  days  of  1861  to  1S65  sprang  to  the 
defense  of  the  Flag.     On  these  tablets  their  names  and 

rank  are  spread  in  bronze,  not  so  imperishable  as  the 

37 


<\s^>'^W- 


glory  of  their  accomplishment.  Their  victory  in  1865 
makes  possible  the  raising  of  the  Flag  of  Liberty  and 
Union  by  these  United  States  in  the  battle  for  world 
freedom  in  19 1?- 

Most  of  these  whose  sacrifices  we  honor  have  joined 
the  battalions  of  Heaven,  receiving  the  eternal  decora- 
tion; for  "Greater  love  hath  no  man  than  this  that  a  man 
lay  down  his  life  for  his  friend,"  but  by  the  favor  of  a 
benign  Providence  there  gather  in  this  company  tonight : 


William  W.  Allen 
Silas  H.  Alleman 
Charles  D.  Barney 
Jacob  £.  Barr 
Clarence  S.  Bement 
R.  Dale  Benson 
Oliver  C.  Bosbyshell 
Wendell  P.  Bowman 
F.  Amedee  Bregy 
Henry  W.  Brown 
Henry  C.  Butcher 
Howard  Butcher 
James  Butterworth 
Charles  C.  Butterworth 
Richard  Campion 
William  H.  Carpenter 
Robert  Carson 
J.  Solis  Cohen 
John  Conaway 
Theodore  Cramp 
George  K.  Crozer 
Henry  J.  Davis 
A.  J.  DeCamp 


Henry  S.  Huidekoper 
Lane  S.  Hart 
Samuel  Horner,  Jr. 
John  B.  Hutchinson 
Jacob  E.  Hyneman 
John  Story  Jenks 
Theodore  Justice 
Daniel  A.  Keyes 
Josiah  Kisterbock,  Jr. 
James  W.  Latta 
James  G.  Leiper 
Richard  T.  MtCarter 
Robert  K.  McNeely 
Frederick  McOwen 
George  V.  Massey 
Samuel  Moore,  Jr. 
George  P.  Morgan 
C.  Stuart  Patterson 
George  G.  Pierie 
William  K.  Ramborger 
William  H.  Ramsey 
George  Rice 
Samuel  D.  Risley 
3* 


Edward  J.  Durban 
Edgar  W.  Earle 
Albert  D.  Fell 
David  N.  Fell 
John  O.  Foenng 
James  Forney 
Edward  H.  Godshallc 
William  Grange 
Robert  M.  Green 
John  W.  Hampton 
William  W.  Hanna 
Charles  H.  Harding 
John  B.  Harper 
Alfred  C  Harrison 
Thomas  S.  Harrison 


Frank  H.  Rosengarten 

William  H.  Sayen 

Samuel  S.  Sharp 

Richard  M.  Shoemaker 

Powell  Stackhouse 

Thomas  C.  Stellwagen 

George  Stevenson 

John  M.Walton 

Joseph  K.  Weave 

John  A.  Wiedersh*.  m 

Willaim  A.  Wiedersheim 
John  Willing 
Robert  N.  WiUson 
John  S.  Wise 


John  D.  Williamson 
whose  names  these  tablets  bear. 

Your  Board  of  Directors  in  191 5  appointed  as  a  commit- 
tee of  veterans  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  and  requested 
them  to  report  a  list  of  members  who  had  served  in  the 
armed  forces  of  the  United  States  in  tl.e  War  of  the 

Rebellion. 

R.  Dale  Benson,  Chairman 
George  P.  Morgan  H.  S.  Huidekoper 

O.  C.  Bosbyshell  Horace  Neide 

Theodore  E.  Wiedersheim      C.  Stuart  Patterson 
James  W.  Latta  Richard  T.  McCarter 

To  these  veterans,  by  their  request,  was  added  Colonel 
L.  E.  Beitler,  as  Secretary.  The  magnitude  of  the  task 
was  not  appreciated  when  it  was  imposed  upon  this 
committee. 

General  Horace  Neide  and  General  Theodore  E. 
Wiedersheim  passed  to  their  reward  before  the  task  was 

39 


finished,  and  General  R.  Dale  Benson  lies  ill  tonight, 
unable  to  be  with  us.  The  records  of  over  fifty  years 
were  searched  and  tonight  we  have  as  the  result  of  this 
committee's  devotion  these  authenticated  tablet  records. 
Amid  all  the  records  of  The  Union  League  these  names 
are  our  most  precious  assets.  Stripped  of  them  and  the 
inspiration  of  their  example  and  sacrifice,  we  should  be 
poor  indeed. 

Five  honorary  members  of  The  Union  League,  whose 
names  appear  upon  these  tablets: 

General  Philip  H.  Sheridan, 

Major-General  Oliver  Otis  Howard, 

Brevet  Major-General  Galusha  Pennypacker, 

Admiral  George  Dewey, 

Rear  Admiral  J.  A.  Winslow, 
received    the    "Thanks    of  Congress    for    distinguished 
service." 
On  these  tablets  are  also  the  names  of— 

Brevet  Major-General  John  F.  Hartranft, 

Lt.-Colonel  Charles  M.  Betts, 

Brevet  Brig.-General  Henry  H.  Bingham, 

Brevet  Major-General  Charles  H.  T.  Collis, 

Brevet  Major  William  H.  Lambert, 

Brevet  Major-General  George  W.  Mindil, 
(Medal  awarded  twice) 

Brevet  Major-General  St.  Clair  A.  Mulholland, 

Colonel  Robert  L.  Orr, 

Colonel  Henry  S.  Huidekoper, 

Captain  Frank  Furness, 
who  received  "The  Medal  of  Honor." 

Colonel  Henry  S.  Huidekoper,  the  last  surviving  Field 

40 


Officer  of  the  Third  Division  of  the  First  Corps  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  is  still  with  us  in  health  and 
strength. 

Major  Lane  S.  Hart  and  Major  O.  C.  Bosbyshell,  the 
only  surviving  members  of  The  Union  League  who  were 
with  their  regiments  in  the  battle  and  explosion  of  the 
mine  at  Petersburg  in  1864,  are  among  our  number 
tonight.  Major  Bosbyshell  was  the  first  soldier  who  was 
wounded  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  having  been  struck 
on  the  head  in  Pratt  Street  in  Baltimore  on  the  18th  of 
April,  1861.  We  rejoice  it  left  no  permanent  damage 
either  to  his  head  or  to  his  heart. 

As  Governor  Stuart  has  said,  two  living  members  of 
The  Union  League,  whose  names  are  inscribed  on  these 
tablets,  stood  in  the  presence  of  President  Lincoln  when 
he  was  under  fire  in  the  siege  of  Fort  Stevens  during  the 
rebel  raid  at  Washington  in  1864,  and  none  are  held  in 
higher  regard  here  than  these: 
Colonel  James  W.  Latta, 
Major  William  A.  Wiedersheim. 

The  Union  League  is  rich  also  in  having  among  its 
living  possessions  the  only  surviving  member  of  the 
League,  Captain  John  O.  Foering,  ./ho,  after  participating 
in  all  the  campaigns  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  up  to 
Gettysburg,  marched  with  Sherman  to  the  sea  and  later 
through  the  Carolinas  to  the  final  surrender  of  the 
Confederacy. 

Another  unique  characteristic  of  these  Memorial 
Tablets  should  be  called  to  your  attention.  It  is  a  dis- 
tinction not  granted  to  any  other  organization  in  the 
country,  namely,  that  these  tablets  bear  the  names  of 

4« 


r  IB* 


fifty-two  members  of  the  Philadelphia  Washington  Greyt. 

Devoutly  do  we  pray  that  down  the  corridors  of  this 
Union  League  house  there  shall  follow  us  generations  of 
.nembers,  whose  one  and  only  object  of  membership  here 
shall  be  to  secure  to  their  children,  undiminished,  our  own 
birthright  of  Representative  Government  under  the 
Constitution  received  by  us  from  the  Fathers. 

To  this  end  we  dedicate  this  Memorial  Room,  this  our 
Hall  of  Fame,  as  the  shrine  of  an  enduring  Love  of 
Country. 

As  Abraham  Lincoln  was  supported  in  the  flesh  and 
spirit  by  Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan,  Hancock,  Meade, 
Thomas,  Gregg,  Farragut,  and  these  our  members,  it  is 
very  fitting  that  in  this  Memorial  Room  these  bronzes  in 
their  positions  shall  proclaim  th?  historic  fact. 

This  dedication  we  make  waile  we  here  re-dedicate 
ourselves  and  this  Union  League  to  the  support  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  in  the  present  war  in  the 
spirit  of  the  immortal  words  carved  above  the  Memorial 
Tablets  that  "Government  of  the  people,  by  the  people, 
for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth." 

Gentlemen,  as  an  illustration  of  the  influence  of  this 
memorial  room  allow  me  to  submit  to  you  a  very  signal 
proof.  That  influence  of  your  patriotism  reinforcing  the 
history  of  the  past  fifty-five  years  and  the  courtesies  that 
have  been  extended  by  you  to  those  who  have  gone  before 
you,  down  through  the  years  have  made  such  a  deep 
impression  upon  a  patriot  still  at  work  in  the  city  of 
Washington  that  he  writes  me  a  letter  and  sends  to  The 
Union  League  the  most  treasured  possession  he  and  his 
family  own.    Let  me  read  the  letter: 


Wa«hj«ctoii,  D.  C,  November  19.  I9«7 

To  the  Presidtnt  and  Board  of  Dirtetors  of 

Tkt  Union  Ltagut  0/  Philadtlphia, 

Pkiladtlpkia,  Pa. 

Gentlemen:— My  attention  hat  been  called  to  the  fact  that  The 
Union  League  is.  on  the  24th  instant,  dedicatinR  its  "  Memorial  Room 
and  unveiling  a  life-size  Statue  of  Abraham  Lmcoln.     I  understand 
that  the  new  Room  is  to  contain  the  League's  Lincolniana. 

1  am  under  th«  impression,  though  I  am  not  sure,  that  I  »»"  th« 
only  survivor  of  those  who  on  the  morning  of  the  i  Jf h  of  April,  1865, 
saw  that  greatest  of  all  Americans  draw  his  last  breath.  The  vir- 
cumstanres  under  which  1  was  drawn  into  the  scene  "f.  f"»y^P*»'- 
trayed  in  the  final  chapier  of  a  little  publication  called  The  Com- 
mander's Year,"  which  1  send  herewith  and  beg  your  acceptance  of. 
The  shorthand  notes  of  the  evidence  I  took  before  Secretary  Stanton 
and  Chief  Justice  David  K.  Carter,  then  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
District  of  Columbia,  in  the  rear  parlor  of  the  Peterson  House,  I  trari- 
scribed  into  longhand  while  yet  sitting  in  the  room  where  the  evi- 
dence was  taken.  I  had  an  idea  that  I  would  like  to  preserve  not  only 
the  shorthand  notes  but  the  original  transcription  made  under  such 
dread  surroundings  and  1  did  so,  giv-ng  to  Secretary  Stanton  the  next 
afternoon  another  copy  of  the  evidence  in  longhand. 

My  son,  Mr.  James  A.  Tanne.,  residing  in  your  city  now,  put  them 
into  shape  for  permanent  preservation  md,  believing  that  they  are  of 
considerable  interest  to  the  general  public  owing  to  the  circumstances 
surrounding  their  creation  and  believing  that  they  will  become  more  so 
as  the  years  pass,  I  write  to  say  that  if  you  care  to  give  the  voiame  a 
place  among  the  treasures  you  may  now  possess  or  may  naturally 
gather  in  the  future  regarding  President  Lincoln.  1  «h'll  be  glad  to 
present  -:hem  to  you  in  perpetuity,  lin:ited  only  to  the  life  of  Ihe 
Union  League.  If  the  League  should  ever  discontinue  its  Lincolniana 
display  or  sever  its  official  connection  therewith.  1  would  like  to  have 
it  understood  that  the  testimony  shall  be  returned  to  my  heirs. 

I  am  delighted  to  know  of  your  project  and,  rer-.embering  with 
pleasure  the  many  courtesies  I  have  had  at  the  hands  of  your  organiza- 
tion and  its  individual  members,  I  make  this  proffer  with  great  pleasure 
ar  d  with  no  further  object  in  view  than  the  hope  I  have  that  it  may 
a«id  somewhat  to  the  interest  taken  in  your  collection. 
I  am,  gentlemen,  with  great  regard. 
Your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)    James  Takkee. 

And  into  our  possession  as  a  trust,  gentlemen,  has  come 
this  volume.  There  are  the  original  stenographic  notes 
that  Corporal  Tanner  made  in  the  parlor  -ftiile  Lincoln 

43 


was  dying  overhead;   and  the  transcript  of  the  notes  in 
his  own  handwriting  which  he  made  the  same  night  in 
the  same  house. 
[Adjourned.] 


"Wk' 


44 


MEMORIAL  TABLETS 


Ht'SOlMHl      MKMBHRS 

rHlLIP   H    SHKRIDAN 

intlM   A  ■WINSLOW 

IIISJ'.MIN     HARRISON 
'AUI.IAM      MKINLET 


JOHN    R^_BROOKE 

(11,1  Vr  R   OTIS    HOWARD 

J.WII)    M  ML  R TRIE    ORHJG 

iiAl  i   ..MA     !l  SNYPACKtR 


PINNSTLVANIA 


iliHS    WHlTt    GFAKr 
iiHN    IRlDl.RiL    HARTRaNFT 


HI  Sin      WARTTN    HOYT 
1A.V4KS     AHUAMS     B1:AVT.R 


SA.MriL  WHITTAHER    PENNrPACKUl 


^HPfVi:    Al-ICLFf 


INllS  RHESBR  tiXm.KH 


>  LOWAIID   AllUims       MTERASCH,,; 
James  »ANH.SACNf\'   JOSH?M   ASHBKOOK 
iAMti  I.  SI  AIBIKTSOS      'flCHARDLEWKAamUBT 


OWN  TICIMAS  AUIENRIEC 
t  -  *AHD   BAILEY 


ill.Aj    Ai  DKli  H 


WILLIAM    ALLFN 


JOHN  I  A  ALi.E^ 


WILLIAM  W  ALLiN      SAMUEL   E    VM-X 


IIAIPH  W   P  ALLhN 


aiAALEJ  HElfltri«E5 

..T    UlvrOK       HIT. 

'S    GBORCE  V  KANKI 


CinUANn  ANURAUl       WRAHTON    lAXKM 

rui.Qmil.  AHAlilliONU   LUAJILES  D_tAXHr( 


-'   .r«.%._^P«. 


^^«^> 


,ACOB  KBT  EAldk  a\T' 

.^'     r'  TIP"    [■rT^.>*'     ».^l'      *^    u- 

lAMts  hARiurr  1.    w 

■  tsKT  wRiiPFbL     Ht'imR'iiSokE" 

IMWli  D  HAUCB  U"     jAJ^Sy'mOOKi 

—  — '  .".T~.":2^     "--y'rf 

UtVITT   r  BAjrre*       VKUaST »  NOOMAi* 

w»£M  KjafcSeATP  H*Tia'  »  labrn    • 

J  LOWMk  KILL**?!    iAMUElTniROrH 


lAMUEL  UU^ 


lAMfSM  wiNNrrr    Hjh'ir  claT  w/rc 


EDWIN  NOriH  BENbON    HCWAJU)  BUTCHE*     { 


FRAJJK  C  BENSOn"^**^  cTa 

I  DALE    lENSON  *__UM£S  BLi'l  lULwjKEI 

CluRQE  A  lARHAWjf  Ji>(N*«L«IIUiKnX£R 

CHARLES  M  BKTTS     ?  GBORCS^C 

ALEXANDER  WDDLE     HENBTT  CAKE 
..^  III  Mil"    VI,   .,  ..^  M  mm  ^'y^Jglf" 

JOHN    WCELOW  WILUAm'  CAM 

•  •T     ■  .,  1    ■         n«4  UlUT    I  T   I    C    f*'    ^■'*' 

MtNRT"  H   BINOHAM     W  ILUAMH  CAMPSSU 

--    -      -....,  .^  ,™.  .  «..  im^l** 

JAMES  T  BINGHAM      lAMES  D  CAMrtBU 

.J.     .I.l''-I    «^-    »..■  C*rT  «   MB!   l»rT      ^.^J. 

HORACE    BINNrr  J.       RICKAJID  CAMTTOB 


t  I     U'lLLIAM  C  BIRD 


MCHARD  R  CAMT  JK 


JUHN    FRANK  BLACX    EMLBN  N  CARfBIT*  ,^ 

A'lUlAM  BLAOtBURNK  MMES  E  CARKKT 

"■'-"■'•■       •  *w       .  ,- 

WILLIA.U  BLANCHARi)  JOHN  Q  OUnVTIB  t 

.:„»  iiB^    1        I     ^                          ri#^  iw  tiWlWT        ■  I 

JOHN    BLAKELHT           LOUIs' H  CAJIPENTE*  . 


JOHN   BLAKISTON 


WILUAM  H  CARKNTW 


ROKKT  L  BODINE  ROBfiKT  CAUON 

OUTER  CKSMnmmx  Aituiiv'c  cxttbu. 
EDttuu)  M  mm*     lUMtrc  r»vi»4»iMB 

EOWJU)  R  aOVEM       AMLTH 


WFNOEU  PBOVkuit  BmnLks^srckAB 


DAVID  BRjVNSOtI 
JOSZm  H  BILAZI 


JOHN  E  BJUATT 


CALU  aontcBMAir 


i     PAM&>EJBR£Gr       JAMES  t  OJUiaOlM 


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UStPH   H  CLARK  JAMBS    N  DtkiOK 

US    ROSS  C-LAUf  jAlOU  V.   DIMM*C»       , 

II    ri-K    MIL    IKfT  >«J>     '     IM*     MJUal     'Ml      ^|. 

fENRl    C   CXX;HRAN:.  HAMlUON^DlJJTtW 


.AOJl)  SOLIS  COHtS       HENtr  f  WlOX  ' 
ALB   P  COLBSBERRl       lAMES  DOAK  i. 


UmUH    R  Caj«UN      JOHN    DO»S0»(  A. 


CHAIU.tiHTCOLI.IS      RItHARU'DOHACAH. 
_HARUEi    R  COW  ELL    JACOB  N  DONALWO* 


lOHN    F   C0NAWA1 


JHli^AS   COOPER 


ROBERT  W  DOWNING  : 
EDWARD  J   DURfliH 


EDGAR  *   EAREE 


I  HOMAS  V  COOreR       GBORM  JBOftH  BaCETT 


■SHUA  H  cousir 


WM  H  EUJNIIlJBr 


A  GRAJIAM  ELUOT 


KUBERT  DAVISON  COXL   PHIUP  H  ELUS 
VILLIAM  I  C  CUIE        RUDOLPH   ELUS 


HARLES  I  CRA&IN       PETER  C  EU.MAKE* 
:HEODORE  CRAMP        CHARLES  ESTE 


AMUFLW  CRAWKdU)  MAURJCE  E  PAGAN 
\LFRED  CKOmELIEN     liEORlU   W  FAIRMAN 


.FORTiF   H  CROSMAN       ALBEIT   D    PtlX 
iHJRr.E  H  CRO!>MAH       DAVID   NfWLlN    PELL 


lOHN  G  CRQITON 


R05WELL  G  PELTUS 


1  ATTHtW  H  CRTI  R     JOSEPH  C  KERCUSOK 


iFORGE  R  CROZER 


a;J.I  C   FERliUSSON 


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KrrD   CUMMIHtS      CHARLia   J   FIELD 


U'i  t.  IlAkLl  NGTON        HENRT   !  nELD 


ILISHA  W  DAV  IS 


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-lEffRT  J  DAVl^ 
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lUJAk  U  KAMSET  ,  KiqMU)  Mr  SIKXMAKU 

ilUUM  HXWU  "'  HOtATIO'G.  SKXti.   ■  i. 

H.J  tJUB  .      WJlXLui  B  HK5       ' 


UXIIS  W  R£AD 


MENKT  P  SLQARi 


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ANuuw  A  UHC4  ■•  •••  wiflgratnTjawn 


HUCH  OKA«  ■OHKn  UAAC   ST*U  k 


MiKMXM  Hocau  , .  tunO  U4<  stAumK 


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